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.A full condemnation of the prophets from Languedoc is contained in the ThreadneedleStreet Consistory, 23 July 1707, cited in Cottret, Huguenots in England, pp.283 4.80 Ibid., p.243.81 Robin D.Gwynn,  Disciplines of Huguenot Churches in England: The Need forFurther Research , PHS, 22/6 (1976): 590 8.82 Robin D.Gwynn,  The French Churches in England in the 1640s and 1650s , PHS,23/4 (1980): 256 61.102 Religious Culture of the Huguenotsindication of Huguenot criminal activity.Violent misdemeanours only accountedfor 7 per cent of crimes, whereas insults, at 33 per cent, represented by far thegreatest breaches of good behaviour.Significantly, the second highest breach wassexual misconduct, demonstrating that the magistrates of the Huguenot communitiesin France were as interested in sins of the flesh as were their contemporaries inScotland.83One of the many problems that faced the Huguenot settlers at Portarlington inDublin and, indeed, throughout Britain, was the practice of their faith.The non-conformist nature of the Huguenots Calvinist principles sat awkwardly with England sand Ireland s Anglican élite.Many Huguenots totally rejected High Anglicanismas  une espèce de romanisme [ a species of romanism ] which was essentially demi-Papiste [ semi-Papist ].84 Central to this view, was the understanding thatan ordained minister in the Church of England was  a priest, who takes his place inthe long line of apostolic succession rather than a minister elected from among hispeers.85 Rejection of the Anglican form of worship was further aggravated by theknowledge of the persecution of Presbyterians in Scotland and, to a lesser extent, inIreland during the  killing times in the reign of Charles II.Jacques Fontaine said thatmany of his fellow Huguenots saw the persecution of the Presbyterians in Scotlandas a  unique crime de ces pauvres malheureux & presbytériens [ singular crimeagainst these poor unhappy & Presbyterians ].86 For this reason and others manyHuguenots viewed the Anglican form of worship with suspicion.Anglican Torieshad, after all, supported James II s short reign and had continued to promote anti-Williamite action after James s flight.One of the most immediate debates which presented itself before Williamof Orange, after he and Mary secured the English throne in 1688, was that ofcomprehension within the Church of England.Even before his arrival in Britain, thePrince of Orange was of the opinion that the Anglican establishment could well dowith a broadening of the base of its liturgy.87 This desire was clearly designed withthe aim of encompassing the non-conformist Huguenot, Presbyterian and dissentingcommunities which William patronised abroad.It also had the aim of maintainingEngland s membership of the international Protestant community, of which Williamwas one of the principal figures.8883 Janine Garrisson, Les protestants au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1988), p.72; For ScottishCalvinists see, A.B.Calderwood (ed.), The Buik of the Kirk of the Cannongate, 1564 1567(Edinburgh, 1961) and Acts and Proceedings of the General Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland,1560 1618, ed.T.Thomson (Edinburgh, 1839 45).84 Fontaine, Memoirs, p.70.85 Elizabeth Labrousse,  Great Britain as Envisaged by the Huguenots of theSeventeenth Century , in Scouloudi, Huguenots in Britain, p.147.86 Ibid., p.147; Gwynn, Heritage, p.94.87 Charles Rose, England in the 1690s: Revolution, Religion, and War (Oxford, 1999),pp.110 12.88 Ibid., p.109.Killing in Good Conscience 103William s regime was hampered in its pursuit of the policy of widercomprehension, by the intransigence of the Tory interest.The opinions of this group,regarding non-conformist Protestants in England, were well represented in a Londonplay by Thomas Shadwell [ Pobierz caÅ‚ość w formacie PDF ]