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.Even allowing for natural growth and expansion ontocontested land by the settlers, the majority of the 27 square kilo-metres still lies in the hands of its Palestinian owners.Thelandowners fear, however, that the same devices exploited toconfiscate their land in the past will be employed again.Underthe Ottoman system, the Sultan could take possession of Miriland  agricultural land situated close to places of settlement if the farmer had not secured ownership by cultivating the landfor ten consecutive years, or if the land had not been farmed atall for three consecutive years.58 It is the latter provision whichis causing most concern for Palestinian farmers.As a result ofthe low number of permit allocations and the limited gate open-ing hours, farmers are already cultivating their land infre-quently, if at all, or opting for low-intensity, low-value crops.Those lucky enough to obtain permits also find it difficult toinvest the time, labour and resources needed for long-termviability.Once this land is  abandoned , they fear that the Israeliauthorities will exploit the Ottoman Land Law and declare theareas concerned  state land , to be utilised in the future for theexpansion of the existing settlements and for the creation ofnew satellites.More recent developments only serve to underline thefarmers fears.Whereas previously most members of anextended family could obtain a permit, since early 2005 eligi-bility has been increasingly restricted to the owners themselves,their spouses and their children.Nieces, nephews, uncles,[ 98 ] 0_7453_2434_7_03_cha02.qxd 30/11/2005 15:07 Page 99 THE LAND WITHOUT THE PEOPLEcousins and grandchildren are no longer eligible to apply forpermits, although the latter may do so upon presentation of acertificate of inheritance upon the grandparent s death.Thereality is that most  children in this context are over 40 years ofage and  grandchildren are generally young adults.These arethe most able-bodied among the workforce, and the ones whomost depend on the land for their present livelihood and fortheir future survival so that the younger generations can buildhouses and raise families.In addition, in certain areas in thenorthern West Bank, applicants who had previously receivedpermits are now being rejected on the grounds that they do notown the land in question, despite their holding documentswhich were considered acceptable for the granting of permits inthe past.59 The full extent and the implications of these devel-opments are not yet clear, but the suspicion is that theconstraints resulting from the gate and permit regime are notjust inevitable bureaucratic  snafus but a deliberate policy,  theobjective being to cause despair among the landowners in thehope that they will cease working their land in the seam area.60Like Mayor Zahran in Qalqilya, Abu Azzam also believesthat economic strangulation and  voluntary emigration is thereal purpose of the wall:  they want the land without thepeople.The livelihood and long-term viability of Jayous andits neighbouring villages depend on continued access to theirland and water resources.Unlike the settlements, which aredormitory communities for the Tel Aviv area, the whole cultureof the local Palestinian villages is tied up with the land, andtheir rhythm of life revolves around farming.It is for this reasonthat Abu Azzam is determined to keep cultivating his land what-ever the cost. This land sent me to university, built my house,helped me raise my family.Without it we have no source oflife. However, even if the older generation of Palestinian farm-ers in the Green Line communities remains, what future is there[ 99 ] 0_7453_2434_7_03_cha02.qxd 30/11/2005 15:07 Page 100THE WEST BANK WALLHaniya s storyIn Bil in in the Ramallah district, Haniya Hamada has beenworking her husband s family land since marrying into thevillage 50 years ago.A strong, confident and still cheerfulwoman in her late 60s, she counts the amount of her land notin dunams, but by the time it took her and her husband toplough with a horse: 13 days [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

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